“Last evening, I referred to American casualties in Iraq as wasted. I should have used the word, sacrificed, as I have in the past. No one appreciates and honors more than I do the selfless patriotism of American servicemen and women in the Iraq War. We owe them a debt we can never fully repay. And America’s leaders owe them, as well as the American people, our best judgment and honest appraisal of the progress of the war, in which they continue to sacrifice.



“As I have said many times, I believe we have made many mistakes in the prosecution of the war. With a new Commanding General and a new strategy, we are now trying to correct those mistakes, and I believe we have a realistic chance to succeed.



“That does not change the fact, however, that we have made many mistakes in the past, and we have paid a grievous price for those mistakes in the lives of the men and women who have died to protect our interests in Iraq and defend the rest of us from the even greater threat we would face if we are defeated there.”

“I appreciate the hard work and thought that the distinguished members of the Iraq Study Group put into their final report. There are some recommendations contained in the report that deserve serious consideration, and all Americans should heed the ISG’s warning that failure in Iraq could have severe consequences -- for Iraq, the United States, the region, and the world.

At the same time, however, I have some real concerns with a number of the Group’s recommendations:

Arab-Israeli Peace: The report embraces the idea that peace between Arabs and Israelis – which, the report states, can only be achieved through land for peace – is a necessary element of success in Iraq. All of us desire peace in the region and peace between Arabs and Israelis. But it is impossible to see how such a peace can be achieved so long as Hamas, a terrorist group that rejects a two-state solution and the very existence of Israel, stands at the helm of the Palestinian Authority. We must not push our Israeli ally to make concessions to groups that refuse to recognize its right to exist.

In addition, the linkage the ISG report makes between this issue and the violence in Iraq seems tenuous at best. While I desire peace for Israel in its own right, it is difficult to see how an Arab-Israeli peace process will diminish Sunni-Shia violence in Baghdad or al Qaeda activity in Anbar Province.

Regional conference: The report recommends the establishment of a regional diplomatic conference on Iraq, to include Iran and Syria. We must be both cautious and realistic about what Iranian and Syrian participation is likely to achieve. Our interests in Iraq diverge significantly from those of Damascus and Tehran, and this is unlikely to change under the current regimes. I do not object to reasonable efforts that might modify these countries’ behavior in Iraq, but if the price of their cooperation is an easing of pressure on Tehran over its nuclear ambitions, or on Damascus over the Syrian role in Lebanon, then that price is too high.

Troops in Baghdad: I applaud the ISG’s endorsement of a surge of American combat forces to stabilize Baghdad. Such a step is long overdue. But the coalition should not characterize such a redeployment as “short-term” or place a timetable on its presence. Our troops should be sent to Baghdad – or anywhere in Iraq – in order to complete a defined mission, not to serve until some predetermined date passes. By placing a limited timeframe on our military commitments, we would only induce Iraqis to side with militias that will stay indefinitely, rather than with the U.S. and Government of Iraq. Such a step would only complicate our considerable difficulties.

“In addition, I agree with the report’s emphasis on an internal Iraqi political settlement that can bring the various sects and groups together. But security is the necessary precondition for a political settlement, and Iraq will continue to suffer pervasive insecurity so long as there is an insufficient number of security forces on the ground. Iraq requires not only politicians willing to make difficult choices, but also clear signals that the government is the sole source of authority in the country. Only by cracking down on independent militias, reducing criminal and terrorist activity, and protecting the population and key infrastructure – none of which can be accomplished without more troops – can a political settlement begin to take hold.”

# McCain supports the following principles regarding juvenile crime:Increase penalties for crimes committed on school grounds.
# Prosecute as adults, youths accused of a felony.
# Increase funding for local Boys & Girls Clubs and other independent organizations in communities with at-risk youth.
# Provide block grants to states for implementation of programs to combat juvenile crime.
# Impose harsher penalties for youths convicted of violent offenses.
# McCain points out that he “helped create the youth violence commission to develop remedies to youth violence.”
# Support the use of “boot camps” as alternative sentencing for juvenile offenders.
# Support programs that provide job training and placement services for at-risk youth.
# McCain says, “Juvenile offenders should be kept separate from adult offenders and receive the appropriate remedial and rehabilitation services.”

McCain urged holding hearings to determine whether the FBI is able to appropriately and effectively deter, investigate, and prosecute crimes of violence against any American. “All Americans abhor violent attacks on our citizens, whatever the motivation. Recent acts of violence against Americans of various racial, ethnic, and religious groups by members of hate groups are particularly abhorrent,” McCain said. “We must prosecute those who commit such acts, but also prevent their occurrence.”